By Irfan Chowdhury

This article examines the parallels between abuses carried out against young male detainees in Britain by former British Army personnel from the 1960s to the 1980s, and abuses subsequently carried out by active duty British soldiers against young male detainees in Iraq in 2003. As illustrated in this article, in both cases there was a culture of sadism that was allowed to flourish among the state agents who were perpetrating the abuse, with the British government complicit in what was happening through using dangerous and dehumanising language that de facto encouraged abuse, and through granting impunity to perpetrators. Britain as a country has yet to reckon with the abuse that was carried out, either on British soil or in Iraq.

Medomsley Detention Centre

“A true horror story” is how Kevin Young describedhis experience at Medomsley Detention Centre in County Durham, England. Kevin was detained there in 1977 at the age of 17, for receiving a stolen watch. Medomsley was a junior male detention centre that operated from the 1960s through to the late 1980s; it was runon military lines, and mostof the staff there were former British soldiers. In 1979, the then British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher institutedher “short, sharp shock” policy, which introduced into junior male detention centres what the then British Home Secretary William Whitelaw characterisedas “an experiment with a tougher regime for depriving young football hooligans of their leisure time”; this meant “on a regular basis drill, parades, and inspections ... from 6:45am 'til lights out at 9:30pm.” At Medomsley (and multiple other junior male detention centres), the “short, sharp shock” experiment provided a cover for horrific sexual and physical abuse at the hands of the mostly ex-military staff members – although as Kevin Young’s experience and the experiencesof others demonstrate, this militarisedsystem of abuse even preceded the “short, sharp shock” at Medomsley. Kevin Young was one of many victims of the ex-soldierNeville Husband, who was in charge of the kitchens at Medomsley; Husband subjectedboys between 16 and 19 to sadistic sexual abuse at the detention centre, and is estimatedto have abused boys every day during his 16-year tenure working there. He threatenedhis victims that he had served in the British Army and was trained to kill. Kevin Young describedhis treatment by Husband thus: "I was raped repeatedly, tied up and ligatured [around the neck]. It was the worst of the worst." He also stated: “I was told by Husband that you could easily be found hanged at Medomsley, and that that year, six boys had already hanged themselves." Another ex-soldierat Medomsley, Christopher Onslow – who was the fitness instructor at the detention centre, and, as with Husband, was later convicted of some of his crimes – was notorious among the boys for routinely battering them. Stress positions were also commonly used at Medomsley – boys were frequently made to bunny-hop for hours on end while being screamed at, sometimes while naked.

I spoke to a man named Steve (not his real name), who was detained at Medomsley over the summer of 1979 – shortly after Thatcher was elected and the “short, sharp shock” was instituted – as punishment for getting caught taking a coat from a car. He was 19 at the time. He was there for 3 months – from mid-June to the end of August. Steve was sexually abused by Neville Husband during his detention at Medomsley; he says, “to me he was the head chef”, and that he has “since then learned much more” about Husband’s background. According to Steve, “all of the officers knew” what Husband was up to, and yet none of them stopped him. When I ask Steve if he ever tried to report what Husband was doing to him, he says: “I hid from it” – but he was later “one of the first 5 to bring charges against Husband”, who “was found guilty in front of me”. Steve confirmed to me that he was also subjected to physical abuse by Christopher Onslow while detained at Medomsley; he says that he “went through the same violence”, and that he was subjected to punches by “most officers” in the detention centre, illustrating how widespread the violent treatment of detainees was – but he says that to him, “the violence was just the same outside”; he explains that his father “was a violent drunk who made my life hell”. This provides an insight into how the deeply disadvantaged boys who ended up at Medomsley were in many cases no strangers to abuse already, due to how troubled their lives were up to that point; Steve tells me, “most of my life was foster parents and children’s homes where abuse was rife”. Likewise, Kevin Young had also been subjectedto physical and sexual abuse throughout his childhood, before ending up at Medomsley.

Steve has confirmed to me that that while he was detained there, the governor of Medomsley was a man named Tim Newell – Guardian journalists Eric Allison and Simon Hattenstone have noted:

“Tim Newell, a well-known liberal thinker within the prison establishment, was the governor from 1979 to 1981, when Husband was regularly abusing boys in his charge. According to David McClure, a former officer at Medomsley, who gave evidence at Husband's trial, Newell "thought very highly of Husband". McClure said search teams were banned from the kitchen on the orders of management, but that there were always strong rumours that Husband was sexually abusing boys who were working in the kitchen. "There was general knowledge about this – among staff and boys in the centre," he said. But Newell and other governors wrote letters supporting Husband's many applications to remain at Medomsley when the prison service suggested he be promoted and posted elsewhere.”

Parallels With Iraq

The fact that so many staff members at Medomsley knew what Husband was doing to the boys in his charge, and refused to stop him, has echoes of what later happened at Camp Breadbasket on the outskirts of Basra in Iraq in 2003, where at least seven Iraqi male civilians – includingtwo underage boys – were subjected to what the ICC describesas “severe beatings, stress positions, and sexual violence” at the hands of British soldiers in the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers; i.e. the same kinds of abuses that ex-soldiers had previously meted out at Medomsley. The ICC notesin the case of Camp Breadbasket a similar culture of sadistic abusers being protected by their colleagues:

“Several notable features stand out from the Camp Breadbasket court martial. First, although multiple military personnel knew about the alleged abuses (including the alleged sexual crimes), each failed in their duty to report them. The conduct only came to light when one of the soldiers involved in taking trophy photographs had the photographs developed in a civilian shop [in the UK] and the shop assistant reported the conduct to civilian police, who made an arrest.”

I spoke to Reverend Nicholas Mercer, who served as the British Army’s chief legal advisor in Iraq in 2003, and blew the whistle on how British soldiers were abusing detainees at the time, which he personally witnessed; I asked Mercer about the parallels between the cases of Medomsley and Camp Breadbasket, in terms of the military subculture of sexual sadism towards young males that these cases appear to evidence. Mercer told me:

“In the 1990s when I was first serving in the army there was a very heavy clampdown on bullying in the lines and, in particular, initiation ceremonies among the soldiers (which very often had a sexual element). I strongly suspect that this had a very long tradition but Camp Breadbasket suggests that this culture still prevailed. It is also worth mentioning that command plays a very important role in all of this. A bad commander often has a bad Regiment. If you have a strong commander then this tends to permeate throughout the battalion/company. The same applies to SNCOs [Senior Non-Commissioned Officers].”

Mercer also told me about how in Iraq, the senior leadership was aware of the abuse and was complicit in what was occurring (much like in the case of Medomsley); when Mercer lodgeda complaint after witnessing British soldiers subjecting Iraqi detainees to hooding and stress positions, the British Army’s intelligence branch objected to Mercer’s complaint and referred the matter to the Higher Headquarters, which in turn told Mercer that the techniques that he witnessed were not illegal. Mercer informed me:

“As far as I recall, I was very clear in advising that hooding and stress positions amounted to “violence and intimidation” of prisoners of war in violation of Article 13 [of the third Geneva Convention]. I also pointed out that Article 13 states that prisoners of war must “at all times be humanely treated” and this treatment could never amount to “humane” treatment. I remember reminding a colleague on the phone that this was “humanitarian” law.

This advice was rejected by the Higher Headquarters in Qatar which put me in an awkward position, until the ICRC [International Committee of the Red Cross] also made the same judgement and issued a formal complaint to the UK Government.”

One can see here how the Higher Headquarters was aware that detainees were being hooded in stress positions, but attempted to make the argument that this was an acceptable way to treat detainees and did not amount to inhumane treatment, in direct contradiction of the legal advice that Mercer was giving – Mercer’s legal judgement was later backed up by the International Committee of the Red Cross. In a similar way, with regards to Medomsley, the BBC has reportedthat “within Home Office circles, it was known that the junior prison’s reputation for being tough sometimes lapsed into brutality” – and yet the abuse was allowed to continue uninterrupted. In both cases, those in authority effectively gave a stamp of approval to detainee abuse.

The “Shock of Capture” and the “Short, Sharp Shock”

In the case of the British Army in Iraq, training programmes for British soldiers included an ambiguous phrase – “shock of capture” – that is easily interpreted as legitimising inhumane treatment; the ICC has notedthat “the Office considers as an aggravating factor the fact that the underlying conduct set out in this report arose, in part, from institutional factors”, such as “training programmes that encouraged maintaining or prolonging the “shock of capture” without sufficient regard for humane treatment”. Exploiting detainees’ “shock of capture” implies keeping them in a state of disorientation and distress, which naturally opens the door to abuse, as the purpose is to deliberately encourage negative emotions in detainees. Likewise, the language that was used by Thatcher’s government in relation to junior male detention centres in Britain – “short, sharp shock” – indicates putting detainees through a stressful and anxiety-inducing experience; Thatcher’s Home Secretary at the time, William Whitelaw, statedominously in 1979: “These will be no holiday camps, and I sincerely hope that those who attend them will not ever want to go back there.” With that framework authorised from above – of encouraging giving detainees a memorably negative experience – and then with no safeguards on the ground, it is very easy to see how a culture of sadism will be allowed to flourish among those handling detainees.

David Greenwood of Switalskis Solicitors has statedregarding the “short, sharp shock”: “These guards were given the green light to assault detainees and there were no questions asked. When boys did make complaints when they were released, they were ignored” – and an ex-inmate of the “short, sharp shock” has stated: “I think the staff thought they were doing their duty for king and country but there were no parameters or system of control.” In the case of Medomsley, those in authority planted the seeds of the abusive culture long before the “short, sharp shock”; the Thatcherite policy watered what had already been growing within the walls of the institution. Within months of Medomsley opening in 1961, Charles Fletcher-Cooke – a Home Office minister under the then British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan – announcedthat the purpose of the detention centre was to put boys through an “unpleasant experience”; six years later, boys were already reportingbeing beaten and forced into stress positions – allegations that were dismissedby Home Office officials under the then British Prime Minister Harold Wilson in 1967.

In the case of Camp Breadbasket in Iraq, Captain Dan Taylor – who was the Quartermaster of the Camp – instructedthe soldiers under his command to ensure that the captured Iraqi civilians (detained on suspicion of looting) were “worked hard”; which again is an authorisation of putting the detainees through a stressful and unpleasant experience, and the soldiers were then left to their own devices to interpret this as they pleased. The British Army officially exoneratedCaptain Dan Taylor even before the Camp Breadbasket court martial occurred, because it was determinedthat although his order was “unlawful”, he had “acted with well-meaning and sincere but misguided zeal.” Taylor was subsequently promotedfrom the rank of Captain to Major. Charles Fletcher-Cooke, who announced that Medomsley was to be an “unpleasant experience” for the boys there, was knightedin 1981, and William Whitelaw – who implemented the “short, sharp shock” policy in 1979 – became a memberof Britain’s House of Lords in 1983, and was subsequently appointedLeader of the House of Lords and Lord President of the Council.

British justice.

Irfan Chowdhury is a freelance writer who primarily focuses on Western imperialism in the Middle East. He has been published in The Iranian, Mondoweiss, Peace News, Hastings In Focus, The Palestine Chronicle, Roar News and Bella Caledonia, and is now at Substack. His Twitter handle is @irfan_c98.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Iraq Now.

Written by Adnan Khalil (IG: @adnan.khalil9)

Today marks the 30th anniversary of the historic signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organisation, which specified a 5-year transition period, aiming for a final resolution on the core issues i.e borders, Jerusalem, refugees.

The Accords, however, did not once underscore the word "occupation", nor did it recognize Israel as an occupying power, nor did the text promise the establishment of an independent Palestinian state once the transition period became obselete. Alas, time and time again, the trajectory has, and hitherto continues to be one of US-Israeli deception and subterfuge.

Consequently, the Oslo period also gave birth to the Palestinian Authority, which morphed into a security subcontractor of the Israeli occupation. Moreover, during the years of Oslo, the Palestinians were on the receiving end of repeated violence, assassinations, an inexorable perpetuation of land expropriation, settlement expansion, home demolitions etc all of which negated and undermined the agreement of the Accords, nourishing and legitimising Israeli hegemony, domination and colonial consolidation.

Saliently, this was reflected more so in the signing of Oslo II in 1995, which stratified the West Bank into three areas (Area A/B/C), under varying degrees of Palestinian or Israeli control. By the end of the 5 years of the interim agreement, a permanent status was not even visible on the horizon, because the Israeli's according the Accords now controlled 83% (Area A which consisted of 7 major Palestinian towns was under total civilian and PA control, it compromised 17% of the West Bank).

Crucially, what was already a weakened economy - further exacerbated a dependency and de-development at an unprecedented rate, thus divided Palestinians into isolated cantons. In other words, prior to the final status negotiations, the Palestinian's were in a much weaker and worse off position than before the Accords, resulting in a fundamental asymmetry of power between the occupier and occupied.

Today, the Israeli adhered paradigm to systematic volatility, annexation and equivocation remains prevalent. While the US has proved to be an unreliable mediator.

However, this generation with a newfound fervor to liberate lands backed by an axis that is connected in unity of the fields will break Oslo.

In a significant move, Iraq said it will commit to disarm the Kurdish Iranian opposition group that has long been a thorn in the relations between Iraq and Iran. This issue persisted due to the inaccessibility of the Iraqi army to the area as the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) exerted pressure to prevent intervention on the border, because it sees it as a threat to its autonomy. However, with Iraq taking action, tensions between the Iraqi and Iranian governments are expected to ease.

Sentencing of ISIS Agents for Karrada Bombing

After more than seven years, the Iraqi government has finally sentenced three ISIS agents for their involvement in the deadly Karrada bombing of 2016. This attack, which occurred during Eid day, claimed the lives of 300 individuals and was one of the most tragic terrorist incidents witnessed by Iraqis in recent years. While the official war against ISIS may be over, the scars left by their actions are far from healed, and it is crucial to remain vigilant against both their deeds and propaganda.

Impact of India's Basmati Rice Price Minimum on Iraq

The recent implementation of a price minimum on Basmati rice in India is expected to have an impact on Iraq, unless strict regulations are put in place. There is concern that the absence of rigorous monitoring may lead to the export of "fake" Basmati rice to circumvent the fixed price minimum. Many importing countries, including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Yemen, believe that the minimum price is excessively high. Since Basmati rice is a staple in Iraqi cuisine, this development will undoubtedly affect food prices in Iraq and may lead to the potential spread of unregulated and counterfeit Basmati rice, potentially posing public health risks.

French Soldier Killed in Ambush by ISIS

Another French soldier has lost their life this week in an ambush by the Islamic State (ISIS). This marks the third French soldier to have died in the span of just two weeks. Despite initially opposing the US invasion of Iraq, France currently has up to 600 soldiers deployed in Iraq under the pretext of fighting ISIS. These recent casualties highlight the ongoing risks faced by international military forces in the region.

‌‌Last week, the Arbaeen pilgrimage started, which marks the end of the 40-day period of mourning for Imam Husayn's (AS) martyrdom. Iraqis throughout the whole country, as well as people from outside Iraq, started their walk towards Karbala in remembrance of Imam Husayn and his family's sacrifice. Citizens of Pakistan, Lebanon, Afghanistan, and Yemen are granted entry visas to visit Iraq and partake in Arbaeen for free. Other participants are visiting from Iran, Kashmir, India, Nigeria, China, Europe, and more. Iraq's Arbaeen pilgrimage has become synonymous with unity, love for justice, and hospitality. While the rest of the world engages with tourism as a major source of economic revenue, which often leads to drastic changes in local culture in the long run, Iraq proves to be different. During Arbaeen, Iraqis show that protecting local values of hospitality and seeking the pleasure of God is the only way forward. By this, Iraq annually attracts and smoothly manages 20 million visitors from all over the world. By the grace of God and Imam Husayn, Iraq has the longest continuous dining table, the largest number of people fed and hosted for free, and the largest group of volunteers serving a single event in the world. The Arbaeen pilgrimage will finish on the 6th of September.

‌A French and South Korean companies awarded billions to build the Baghdad Metro system

‌‌In 1983, attempts were made to build a metro system in Iraq, but they were undermined by the Iran-Iraq war at the time. Forty years later, Iraq decided to award billions of dollars to Alstom and Hyundai for the Baghdad Metro project. What is remarkable is that in 2022, Iraqi officials approached the Chinese Ambassador to do this project. It seems that in the past eight months, the Iraqi government was pressured to give this project to a French company and a South Korean company. While France's incursions into West Asia to rebirth its lost influence in the region are known, it's remarkable that a South Korean company suddenly appeared to do this project. The fact that South Korea, together with Japan, historically functioned as American bulwarks against Communist China suggests that the US exerted pressure to steer the Metro project away from China (August 18).

French Soldier dies in Iraq

A French soldier died during a road incident in Iraq. He was in Iraq for a training mission for the Iraqi Army. Despite France's denunciations of the US invasion of Iraq back in 2003, it now has around 600 soldiers present in Iraq, under the guise of fighting ISIS

Cole Haan store opens in Baghdad extending American capitalist culture into Iraq

‌‌In an extended push to further integrate Iraqi and Iraqis into a global regime of American-led consumerism, a Cole Haan has opened in Baghdad. The central position of Baghdad in the region and the rising Iraqi middle and upper class make it a strategic channel through which American consumer taste can be promoted, reproduced, and spread. Together with the unregulated social media spaces and a wide array of Iraqi influencers, an attempt is made to captivate younger Iraqis with Western products and its implied neoliberal lifestyles. It is no coincidence that the American ambassador to Iraq was present to give a short speech when the new Cinnabon (an American franchise that sells cinnamon buns) was opened in Baghdad in February of this year (August 19).‌‌

The mysterious increase of US soldiers on the Iraq-Syria border

‌‌Continued uncertainty regarding US military presence in Iraq. According to the Iraqi government, there is no increased US military presence, and the Iraqi government has, according to Khalid Yaqoubi, the security affairs advisor, "secured all our demands in the Washington negotiations." Syrian news outlets, however, have reported an increased amount of US activity around the Iraqi-Syrian border. Likewise, Iraqi resistance groups have pointed out that 2,500 US soldiers entered Iraq and stationed themselves at the Ain al Assad base. It all remains mired in uncertainty thus far. For now, it seems, however, that the armed resistance forces in Iraq are giving Muhammad Shia al-Sudani an opportunity to resolve the question of the US occupation of Iraq peacefully and they will not intervene (August 23).

Iraq and BRICS ‌‌

In yet another development that reflects the emerging multipolar world, Argentina, Ethiopia, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE will become full members of BRICS starting January 1st, 2024. Another 20+ countries have expressed their interest in becoming part of BRICS as well. The Dollar hegemony will be challenged by this upcoming multilateral force of global South countries who are planning to issue a new currency. It is, however, remarkable that Iraq, being an economy with $14 trillion in natural resources, making it a top 10 country, in addition to its geo-strategic importance, has not made any formal move to join BRICS. Up to this day, Iraq is forced to sell all of its oil in Dollars that are deposited at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. This construction enables the US to control the Iraqi economy: If American dictates are not followed, Iraqi funds are frozen. This has created an equation in which Iraq cannot make any strategic move without US approval. Strategic projects such as rebuilding the national grid, building industries, or building strategic partnerships for reconstruction with US competitors such as China are all blocked.

For Iraq to attain real autonomy and build an economy that is resistant to the dictates and volatility of the US-controlled markets, it is imperative to join the new institutions and projects that are giving birth to the new multipolar world, such as BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Belt and road initiative.  That Iraq is not applying for BRICS membership shows that currently Iraq is still trapped in the American sphere of influence. However, with the current geopolitical shifts and the redrawing of the political map and its equations, opportunities will arise to maneuver. Only by becoming part of the emerging multipolar world can Iraq build a viable economy for its fast-growing population.‌‌

Turkey's new Foreign minister visits Iraq

Hakan Fidan, Turkey's new foreign minister, visited Iraq on Wednesday. Three issues are on the table. Firstly, PKK presence in Iraq. Turkey, under the guise of fighting the PKK, has over 35 military bases in Northern Iraq and on a regular basis kills Iraqi citizens who they claim were actually PKK fighters. Secondly, Iraq suffers immensely from yearly water shortages because of Turkey's heedless use and construction of dams on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, which diminish water flow to the Iraqi rivers. Thirdly, Turkey wants a resumption of oil flow from the KRG to Turkey through the Ceyhan pipeline. Given the fact that the KRG is an important trading partner and security asset for Turkey, it wants the gurantee a strong economical and military position for the KRG vis a vis the central Iraqi goverment in Baghdad. Simultaniously it is in the interest of Turkey to support a direct Kurdish political competitor (such as the Kurdish Democratic party) to the PKK.  In addition  it prefers to deal with the KRG rather than with the central Iraqi goverment who has a relatively hostile and difficult relation to Turkey. Given the fact that Turkey bombed Iraq  as this article is being written any positive development on that topic seems far away.  (August 24)‌‌‌‌

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‌‌Welcome to our weekly news update, where we bring you the latest developments shaping Iraq. Read on to get a comprehensive summary of the noteworthy happenings.

Lifting of Telegram Ban:‌‌In a significant move, Iraq lifted the ban on Telegram, a popular Russian messaging app known for its strong privacy restrictions and anonymous features. After engaging in discussions with Telegram management, the decision was made to prevent data leaks and ensure citizens' privacy. The lifting of the ban sheds light on the app's politicization in Iraq, with some viewing the initial ban as a response to dissatisfied resistance groups within the coordination framework.

Water Crisis at Habbaniya Water Resort:‌‌The Habbaniya water resort, once thriving next to a picturesque lake, has fallen victim to the severe water crisis faced by Iraq. Experiencing scorching temperatures and exacerbated by global warming, the resort's lake has completely dried out. This alarming situation highlights the urgent need for effective policies to combat the water scarcity issue. Unfortunately, Iraq's weakened political position poses challenges in implementing sustainable solutions.

US Military Presence on Iraq-Syria Border:‌‌Reports indicate that the United States has bolstered its presence on the Iraq-Syria border, with the intention of establishing a military bridge in northern Syria. This move reflects a show of military strength and raises regional security concerns. The intensified US activities in the area coincide with the announcement of a joint security agreement between Iraq and the US, forming a high committee with the Global Coalition Against Daesh.

Uncertainty Surrounding the Joint High Committee:‌‌The formation of the joint high committee between Iraq and the United States has sparked questions and uncertainties. Despite official denials, the US's increased presence on the Iraq-Syria border contradicts its claims. Additionally, with an 80% decline in Daesh attacks reported by the US, alternative motivations for the committee come into question. The upcoming elections in Iraq further complicate the situation, as the committee's implementation remains uncertain.  Perhaps its the very thin legitimacy the US needed to justify the increase in its activities on the Iraq-Syrian border. In a world where its hegemonic power is increasingly under strain.  
Iraqi resistance groups  have expressed their readiness to target US bases unless significant steps are taken to end the US occupation.  

We live in a world where the erosion of meaning and purpose of life has become self-evident. The prioritization of external markers through the pursuit of individual success and wealth lead to a sense of emptiness as people find themselves chasing goals that do not provide lasting satisfaction or meaning. This sense of emptiness can be applied to all areas of life. In this situation actions taken, emotions felt, positive or negative experiences, are all ultimately for nothing. When asking ‘why?’ people are left in the darkness and have no clear answer.

Through Islam, Allah has historically provided people with a perfect guidance and wisdom to navigate life’s challenges, including the search for meaning and purpose to become their best version. It provides a sense of transcendence to God, connecting individuals to something greater than themselves. This connection to the transcendent gives individuals a sense of purpose, a deeper understanding of their place in the world and where they are heading to. It creates a spiritual shield to resist a world of uncertainty, materialism and nihilism. This shield is embodied by Imam Husayn and his Battle of Karbala in 680 CE. Imam Husayn is the energy, the force that changed the universe and keeps changing us every year. Are we paying enough attention to comprehend this reality?

The movement of Imam Husayn against oppression and falsehood, which ended in his martyrdom and that of his children, relatives and companions, is a special event with important characteristics and details. The fact that it is commemorated every year only proves the importance of this event and the continuous reflections on the deep layers of the battle since then. Imam Husayn’s movement has no parallel in the pages of history of world movements. It can be easily said that this event serves as the basis for the survival of Islam. Had this event not taken place, the Umayyads under Yazid would have wiped off the meaning of religion. Both Imam Husayn and Yazid were muslims who fast and pray, but the contrast between them lies in the true essence of religion. Imam Husayn’s motivation was transcendence to Allah, through which he sought to establish a just society based on principles of righteousness and social equity. Yazid’s understanding of religion on the other hand was purely material. He was motivated by power, control and personal ambition which led his rule to be fueled by oppressive structures. This caused him and his followers to lose the meaning of Islam, that came to connect us to God - not in a superficial way - but in a transformative way.

Imam Husayn’s Battle of Karbala came as a revolution in which he sacrificed everything to uplift the people from the darkness to the light, out of the yolk of ignorance, in order to reach internal purity: purity of heart, intention and mind, which is what separates those who support Yazid from those who support Imam Husayn. The companions of Imam Husayn on the battlefield were Muslims, Christians and Hindus who were all sacrificed due to their inner purity and determination, and this is how the Battle of Karbala teaches us the way in which the condition of our hearts will be judged. Before the battle, Imam Hussayn asked all his companions to leave Karbala without any restrictions to save their own lives, meaning that anyone who still had any worldly concerns in their hearts received the choice to go after them and thus leave the battle.

The companions of Imam Husayn that stayed were in minority: only around 72 were determined enough to achieve transformation and a true relationship with God. In the battlefield in Karbala the companions of Yazid, counting 4,000, resemble the many followers of the outer, superficial layer of religion. From the external and superficial point of view, Yazid’s army won the battle against Imam Husayn. If we look further however, we notice that Yazid’s army is a living structure of loss by which one can pursue worldly successes that is immoral and falls short of a true essence. In Ziyarat Arbaeen it is written that Imam Husayn “gave his life in God’s way, to save the people from ignorance and lack of knowledge, and the confusion of misguidance.” The confusion and lack of knowledge the Imam wanted to save people from are the same problems that we face today: the loss of meaning in one’s life in such a way that it causes confusion and a moral vacuum.

It is not a coincidence that the mourning of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom (Arbaeen) takes 40 days instead of just one. Psychological research has found that 40 days are required to change behavior, change a personality trait or 'retrain' the subconscious. Likewise according to Quranic science, the number 40 holds spiritual significance in the sense of transformation. The mourning of Imam Husayn’s martyrdom consists of 40 days for the same reason that the prophet Musa stayed 40 days in the desert to prepare him to meet his Lord.

The martyrdom of the Master of martyrs, Imam Husayn, surpasses worldly victories. His sacrifice provoked societal transformation and inspired generations to strive for justice. The annual remembrance of Imam Husayn helps to awaken and sustain the spirit of resistance against oppression and at the same time should serve as a catalyst for spiritual awakening and transformation, even in the darkest of times. Therefore let the remembrance of Imam Husayn's sacrifice during Muharram and Arbaeen be an opportunity to reconnect with your faith and purpose, purify your intentions, and to realign yourself with the teachings of transcendence to Allah!

Written by Irfan Chowdhury

In this essay, I will explore how Arab and Muslim men were systematically subjected to abuse during the War on Terror, at the hands of US and British soldiers and the CIA, that aimed at destroying their sense of their own masculinity and feminising them. This is a form of abuse that has received scant attention in the literature around the War on Terror, and around gendered and sexual violence in general, despite the fact that it has deep roots in the historical subjugation of racialised peoples; as I shall illustrate by drawing parallels with the experiences of black men in the American South, under slavery and Jim Crow. The purpose of this discussion is not to override or undermine female victims of abuse, or male victims who do not adhere to the traditional gender norms that were weaponised against the male victims in the cases that I shall explore; on the contrary, it is to shed light on an under-discussed form of abuse whose victims have often been sidelined and silenced, to expand the scope of our understanding and create a more inclusive discussion in this regard.

Emasculation of racialised men is a historical technique of white supremacist domination and terrorism. In the American South under Jim Crow, black men were often castrated during lynchings. Robyn Wiegman has pointed out that “In the disciplinary fusion of castration with lynching, the mob severs the black male from the masculine” – literally taking away his manhood – and that because “the black male” was viewed “as mythically endowed rapist”, in the eyes of the mob, “the hypermasculinized rapist must "become” the feminine through ritualized castration”. Aline Helg notes that “the icon of the black rapist… singled out the alleged barbarism and animal sexuality of the entire male population of African descent”, and “aimed at denying all black men their manhood and their ability to be providers and voters”. Black men were predominantly targeted for lynchings; Helg states that “According to the scholarship, most victims [of lynching] were young black men in the cotton-producing rural areas”, and that black men had to be docile and submissive if they did not want to fall prey to this terrorism: “any black male who did not conform to the Sambo model of servility and contentment was perceived as a threat to white supremacy and could be lynched”. The system of Jim Crow stripped black men of their masculinity, thus destroying them physically, psychologically, and spiritually, as a method of subjugation.

The US pursued a similar strategy of subjugation through emasculation in the War on Terror. The official US Army report on Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, where detainees were subjected to “sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses” at the hands of US soldiers, documents how one torture technique was “Forcing naked male detainees to wear women’s underwear”, which one US soldier is quoted as saying “was to somehow break them down”. Likewise, the Schmidt-Furlow report on US Army abuses at Guantanamo Bay, written by the FBI, confirmed that a detainee “was forced to wear a woman’s bra and had a thong placed on his head during the course of the interrogation”. This is forced feminisation of male victims – making them wear women’s underwear – as a technique of humiliation and degradation. At both Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay, US soldiers forced detainees to engage in homosexual acts and/or otherwise associated them with homosexuality, to further break down their sense of their own masculinity, rooted in traditional Arab and Islamic norms. At Abu Ghraib, male detainees were photographed being forced to simulate oral sex with each other while naked and hooded, and were photographed piled on top of each other, also while naked and hooded. At Guantanamo Bay, the Schmidt-Furlow report confirmed that the same detainee who had been forced to wear women’s underwear “was told that he was a homosexual, had homosexual tendencies, and that other detainees had found out about these tendencies”, and that on another occasion, “an interrogator forced [the detainee] to dance with a male interrogator”. As per the Schmidt-Furlow report, these techniques “were done in an effort to establish complete control and create the perception of futility and reduce his resistance to interrogation”; i.e., to destroy his autonomy and will to resist.

British soldiers subjected Iraqi male detainees to similar forced associations with homosexuality as a means of humiliation. In the report of the official public inquiry into the death of Baha Mousa (an Iraqi civilian who was tortured to death by British soldiers), Sir William Gage wrote that “At one time or another, several of the Detainees have alleged that a soldier touched their nipples and taunted them for being a “dudacky” (Iraqi slang for a homosexual or paedophile)”. Gage concluded that with regards to these allegations of “episodes of sexual humiliation… I think it probable that the allegations of abusive conduct were genuine”. Gage also documented how the technique of ‘harshing’, whereby British soldiers screamed abuse at Iraqi detainees while standing very close to their faces, included “racist and homophobic language”. Justice Andrew Collins stated in the High Court that the purpose of harshing was for the detainee to “be taunted and goaded as an attack on his pride and ego and to make him feel insecure”, a practice which he ruled “unacceptable”.

British soldiers also forced naked Iraqi male detainees to simulate oral and anal sex with each other at Camp Breadbasket in 2003. Trophy photographs were taken of the abuse. The International Criminal Court (ICC) confirmed that this treatment encompassed “the war crimes of other forms of sexual violence”, that it was “gender-based”, and that it “appears to have been inflicted with the specific intention to sexually humiliate the detainees concerned, in order to cause offence, distress, and shame” to the male victims. This was another case of Arab and Muslim men having their notions of traditional masculinity used against them in order to destroy their self-worth and humiliate them. The ICC confirmed that these acts of sexual violence “occurred in a coercive environment, in which the detainees experienced fear of violence, duress, and psychological oppression”, and furthermore that “these acts occurred in circumstances that negated the detainee’s ability to consent, and in some instances by force, when the detainee was restrained in a vulnerable position”. In one instance at Camp Breadbasket, an Iraqi male detainee was anally raped by two British soldiers. According to the ICC, the victim “complained that his anus bled for a week and that he suffered from panic attacks as a result of the incident”. The ICC further confirmed that this gang-rape was accompanied by acts of torture. This was a particularly extreme form of emasculation, but not isolated within the War on Terror.

The CIA subjected Muslim male detainees at black sites to ‘rectal feeding’, wherein food was pureed and violently inserted into detainees’ rectums, sometimes causing rectal prolapse. Sophia Gualkin argues that rectal feeding constituted rape, as the CIA used it to sadistically humiliate and terrorise detainees, documented in the 2015 US Senate report on CIA torture:

“Despite this failure to conform to the traditional view of rape, rectal feeding nevertheless presents an unambiguous case of rape as a sexualized act of enjoying and amplifying the detainee’s powerlessness and ascribed inferiority by defiling, degrading, and humiliating the detainee in addition to inflicting physical pain. There is clear evidence that rectal feedings were administered for these purposes: the Senate Torture Report revealed medical officers admitting to administering the procedure despite its acknowledged medical inefficiency, taking steps to make the procedure more painful, using it as a threat to intimidate and coerce other detainees, and employing it as a method of demonstrating “total control over the detainee”; released CSRT [Combatant Status Review Tribunal] transcripts [from Guantanamo Bay] showed detainee testimony of blatantly unnecessary, humiliating, and horrific rectal penetration under the pretense of necessary medical treatment”.

Gaulkin further observes that rectal feeding “is a tactic to degrade, humiliate, and emasculate detainees, while demonstrating and underscoring their powerlessness (gendered feminine) compared to the power (gendered masculine) of the interrogators”. She points out that “There is evidence that Muslim victims of sexual abuse feel especially “degraded in their manhood” because of their religious beliefs”, and so “U.S. personnel intentionally subjected detainees to sexual humiliation and abuse because of the heightened suffering it would inflict on Muslim men” (as demonstrated by the sexual violence carried out at CIA black sites, Abu Ghraib, Guantanamo Bay, and elsewhere). In terms of rape in general, Gaulkin argues that “regardless of the biological sexes of the individuals involved”, rape “is an act of feminizing the victim and correspondingly masculinizing the perpetrator by exploiting or enjoying the powerlessness and ascribed inferiority of the victim”. This applies to the rape of the male detainee carried out by British soldiers at Camp Breadbasket, and the rapes of both male and female detainees carried out by US soldiers at Abu Ghraib. The official US Army report specifically confirms that one of the abuses at Abu Ghraib was “Sodomizing a detainee with a chemical light and perhaps a broom stick”, while the report’s author, Major-General Antonio Taguba, has confirmed that an unreleased photograph from Abu Ghraib depicts “a male translator raping a male detainee”. Likewise, a US Army investigation recorded how a Palestinian detainee held at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan was raped with an object by US soldiers. He stated: “They forcibly rammed a stick up my rectum. It was excruciatingly painful... Only when the pain became overwhelming did I think I would ever scream. But I could not stop screaming when this happened”. Male rape was an established tactic in the War on Terror.

Again, there are parallels with the historical treatment of black men in the American South. Dedrick K. Perkins has written that “Male slave owners used sexual assault to dominate, dehumanize, and emasculate male slaves in American Antebellum South”, and that “The idea that a man must provide security, protection, and finances is generated by what society deems acceptable. Male slaves were stripped of this liberty all the while experiencing further emasculation through forcible sodomy”. Thomas A. Foster has similarly documented how “enslaved black men were sexually assaulted by both white men and white women”, and that “sexual assault of enslaved men took a wide variety of forms, including outright physical penetrative assault, forced reproduction, sexual coercion and manipulation, and psychic abuse”. This mirrors how Arab and Muslim men were subjected to sexual abuse by both male and female US soldiers in the War on Terror (which included female soldiers stripping detainees naked and making fun of the size of their penises), while there is evidence that Iraqi male detainees were repeatedly sexually assaulted by a female British interrogator at the British Army’s Shaibah detention centre, near Basra. There is a clear pattern here of racialised male victims being subjected to sexual abuse by both male and female perpetrators, as a way to emasculate them and destroy their psyches.

The abuse of racialised men by Western subjugators through emasculation and feminisation is a phenomenon that is extremely under-discussed in the existing literature. It is significant because it shines a light on how male victims are both degraded and silenced by having their traditional codes of masculinity coercively turned against them, thus leaving them with an enduring sense of brokenness and shame. Furthermore, the victims are specifically targeted on account of adhering – or being perceived to adhere – to these traditional gender norms, thus making them vulnerable to having these norms shattered as a form of abuse. This exposes how traditionally masculine, heterosexual, cisgender men can be vulnerable to abuse that deliberately attacks these aspects of their identity, which happened systematically throughout the War on Terror. Again, this is not to take anything away from victims of abuse who do not share these characteristics; rather, it is to broaden our understanding of how abuse can take place and who can constitute a victim of abuse, so that all victims receive recognition and the help that they need. Furthermore, recognising that men can be subjected to abuse that undermines their traditionally masculine perception of themselves can help us to better understand why these notions of traditional masculinity may persist in the affected communities, due to a potential need among those who have suffered such trauma to overcompensate or cling more tightly to those aspects of their identity that they feel have been attacked. Perkins notes that anti-homosexual attitudes among African-American men may be explainable in this context. Therefore, this is a topic that deserves greater investigation and discussion; particularly as it has formed the basis for abuses carried out by the most powerful government in the world – the US government – and its allies in Britain and elsewhere, whose victims have received no justice.

Irfan Chowdhury is a freelance writer who primarily focuses on Western imperialism in the Middle East. He has been published in The Iranian, Mondoweiss, Peace News, Hastings In Focus, The Palestine Chronicle, Roar News and Bella Caledonia, and is now at Substack. His Twitter handle is @irfan_c98.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Iraq Now.

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Written by Irfan Chowdhury

A very under-discussed form of abuse that has helped to define the War on Terror is the use of forced nudity against male detainees, in the presence of female soldiers. This form of abuse was employed by the US Army in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Guantanamo Bay, and by the British Army in Iraq. As a type of sexual humiliation, this abuse involved female perpetrators and racialised male victims, and as such has been largely neglected from discussions around sexual violence in the US and Britain. In this article, I will examine how this abuse occurred, the Western cultural attitudes that have facilitated it and the lack of seriousness with which it is treated, and the devastating impact it had on the victims, which is largely unrecognised.

The US Army

The most obvious examples of this type of humiliation occurred at Abu Ghraib, where Iraqi detainees were photographed naked in front of female American soldiers. One photograph depicts a naked Iraqi man being dragged along the floor on a dog leash by Private Lynndie England; another depicts England smiling and pointing to naked and hooded Iraqi men being forced to masturbate; another depicts naked Iraqi men piled on top of each other, hooded and naked, in a human pyramid, while Specialist Sabrina Harman stands behind them, smiling at the camera. Specialist Megan Ambuhl testified in court that she and other female soldiers were ordered to watch detainees in the shower, “point to the detainees' genitals and laugh”, and stated that this happened “fairly often”. Testimony provided to the US Department of Defense by a former Iraqi detainee, XXX, as part of a collection of testimonies that Major-General Antonio Taguba (who authored the official US Army report on Abu Ghraib) described as “credible based on the clarity of their statements and supporting evidence provided by other witnesses", goes into further detail. XXX describes being beaten and sodomised, while naked, in the presence of female soldiers. The female soldiers then abused him further as he was still naked: “the two American girls that were there when they were beating me, they were hitting me with a ball made of sponge on my [penis]. And when I was tied up in my room, one of the girls, with blond hair, she is white, she was playing with my [penis]. I saw inside this facility a lot of punishment just like what they did to me and more. And they were taking pictures of me during all these instances”.

The same type of humiliation was carried out at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, illustrating the systematic nature of this abuse. The New York Times reported the following in 2004: “Seven Afghan men who had been held at the main detention center in Bagram, where the deaths of two detainees and accusations of abuse are now under investigation, said in recent interviews that during various periods from December 2002 to April 2004, they had been subjected to repeated rectal exams, and forced to change clothes, shower and go to the bathroom in front of female soldiers”. In particular, “[Anonymous Detainee 1], a 20-year-old farmer, and [Anonymous Detainee 2], a 26-year-old farmer and former soldier who, like many Afghans, has only one name, said female soldiers had watched groups of male prisoners take showers at Bagram and undergo rectal exams”. [Anonymous Detainee 1] was quoted as saying: “We don't know if it's medical or if they were very proud of themselves. But if it was medical, why were they taking our clothes off in front of the women? We are Afghans, not American”. [Anonymous Detainee 2] stated that the female soldiers made fun of the size of the detainees’ penises, recalling that “They were laughing a lot”, and that they taunted detainees in the showers, saying things like “You're my dog”. Documents from official US Army investigations, obtained by the American Civil Liberties Union in 2005, confirmed that detainees were sexually humiliated and assaulted at Bagram, and that some of the abuse was photographed, like in Abu Ghraib.

In 2006, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and four UN Special Rapporteurs confirmed in a report on Guantanamo Bay that “Interrogators… sexually and culturally humiliate detainees, subjecting them to forced nudity in front of females”. The report also notes that “stripping detainees naked, particularly in the presence of women and taking into account cultural sensitivities, can in individual cases cause extreme psychological pressure and can amount to degrading treatment, or even torture”. The Schmidt-Furlow Report, published by the FBI in 2004 to investigate reports by FBI interrogators that they witnessed detainee abuse at Guantanamo Bay, confirmed that “On one occasion in Dec 02, the subject of the first Special Interrogation Plan was forced to stand naked for five minutes with females present. This incident occurred during the course of a strip search”. The report further confirmed that “female military interrogators performed acts designed to take advantage of their gender in relation to Muslim males”. Kristine Huskey, an American lawyer who represented detainees at Guantanamo Bay, reported in 2007 that her clients “have been forced to strip naked in front of female guards; some have had their private parts touched and squeezed”, and that one of her clients “was forced to lie across a table with his legs spread while a female pulled down his pants”. Official military logs from Guantanamo Bay confirm “Invasion of Space by a Female” as an interrogation technique, and sexual humiliation of male detainees by female soldiers has further been confirmed by former Guantanamo interrogator Erik Saar. The International Committee of the Red Cross confirmed that during the interrogation of a high-profile Guantanamo detainee, he was waterboarded while naked in front of female personnel, “increasing the humiliation aspect”.

The British Army

British soldiers also subjected Iraqi male detainees to forced nudity in front of women, as confirmed by the al-Sweady Inquiry (undertaken by Sir John Thayne Forbes into allegations that British soldiers mistreated Iraqi detainees after the Battle of Danny Boy in 2004). The Inquiry was completed in 2014, and was used by the British government and military to argue that British soldiers were being subjected to an unfair witch-hunt (a narrative which has subsequently taken hold in British society). However, while the most extreme allegations of mistreatment were disproven in this one specific case, the Inquiry did conclude that Iraqi detainees had been subjected to various forms of mistreatment by British soldiers at Camp Abu Naji in 2004, including being stripped naked in front of women; something which was barely reported on at the time. The report states the following with regards to the processing of detainees at Camp Abu Naji prior to interrogation:

“The detainees were made to remove their clothes and were medically examined naked in the centre of a 12 foot by 12 foot tent, without any attempt being made to provide them with any form of screening or other means of preserving their modesty. As a result, each of the detainees was rendered completely naked in front of every soldier who happened to be present in the processing tent at the time. This appears to have been up to as many as nine military personnel”.

Forbes discusses the psychological impact that this had on detainees as follows:

“I accept that most, if not all, of the detainees did feel greatly humiliated by being required to strip and/or by being forcibly stripped naked during processing. I suspect that most men, if subjected to such treatment, would experience very similar feelings. However, I heard credible evidence from a number of sources that such an experience would have been particularly humiliating for an Iraqi Muslim man and I have no doubt that such is indeed the case”.

Forbes further confirms that on several occasions in 2004, this forced nudity occurred in the presence of a female interpreter, increasing the humiliation:

“As I have already indicated, there was some, though not consistent, evidence that the military personnel in the processing tent may have included a female interpreter for some, if not all, of the time. Although I am satisfied that such was not the case during the processing of the nine detainees on 14 May 2004, for the reasons already stated, I have no doubt that it did occur on some of the other occasions when a detainee or detainees were processed at Camp Abu Naji during 1st Battalion, Princess of Wales’ Royal Regiment’s (“1PWRR”) tour in 2004. On any such occasion, I have no doubt that the presence of a female interpreter would have greatly increased any feelings of anxiety or humiliation that a detainee was experiencing at the time”.

In his concluding remarks, Forbes confirms that detainees at Camp Abu Naji were afforded no means of privacy while being strip-searched, that this strip-searching occurred in the presence of an unnecessarily large number of military personnel, and that on several occasions in 2004, female soldiers were present while the detainees were stripped naked:

“There were no provisions in place to ensure that screens or some such were provided, so that each detainee was afforded some degree of privacy whilst his clothes were removed and whilst he was wholly and partly naked. Moreover, there were a large number of personnel unnecessarily in the room whilst the detainees were undressed and on occasions other than 14 May 2004, some of those personnel were women”.

Forbes concludes that “it seems to me that the manner and circumstances, in which this requirement [to strip-search detainees] was actually put into effect, did amount to a form of ill-treatment, when the various unsatisfactory features of the procedure actually adopted to achieve that end, as set out above, are considered as a whole”. It is worth noting again that in 2006, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention and four UN Special Rapporteurs concluded that “stripping detainees naked, particularly in the presence of women and taking into account cultural sensitivities, can in individual cases cause extreme psychological pressure and can amount to degrading treatment, or even torture”. The British Army also subjected at least one other Iraqi male detainee to forced nudity in front of women in 2006. The following testimony was provided by an anonymised former detainee to the European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights and Public Interest Lawyers in 2014, and was included in their first communication to the International Criminal Court regarding British war crimes in Iraq; the testimony relates to mistreatment suffered at the Divisional Temporary Detention Facility in 2006, where detainee abuse is confirmed to have occurred:

“My clothes were extremely dirty by then [upon arrival]. I refused to strip naked as it is against our culture. They said that I must because that was the rules. They said that a doctor needed to see me naked. I said that I didn’t mind stripping naked in front of the doctor only but not everyone. I tried hard to convince them but they wouldn’t listen. A soldier came and started trying to pull my trousers off with force. I kept refusing but in the end they pulled my trousers off. I was covering my private parts with my hands and they were laughing at me and turning me around. They kept trying to hit my hands away so that my genitals were exposed. The female soldiers were still in the room. It was deeply humiliating. The interpreter told me to cooperate or else I would get hurt”.

It is further worth noting here that the International Criminal Court includes “enforced nakedness” in the category of “sexual assault and humiliation”.

Zero Dark Thirty

There are clearly identifiable patterns of abuse here, wherein Muslim male detainees were subjected to forced nudity in front of female US/British soldiers; a form of abuse which was deeply humiliating and degrading for the victims. The female soldier’s role in viewing the detainee’s nakedness was integral to the abuse. I will now discuss how this form of abuse has been normalised and endorsed within mainstream US culture, as demonstrated by Kathryn Bigelow’s 2012 blockbuster film ‘Zero Dark Thirty’. This film’s positive depiction of female-on-male sexual humiliation in the context of the War on Terror, and the enthusiastic praise that the film received within ‘progressive’ circles, provides an insight how Western societies have come to tolerate such abusive practices, facilitated by popular cultural trends.

‘Zero Dark Thirty’, which was nominated for five Academy Awards, follows a female CIA agent named Maya (played by actress Jessica Chastain) as she tries to track down Osama bin Laden after 9/11. Torture is unambiguously glorified in the film; as Glenn Greenwald wrote at the time, “This film has only one perspective of the world - the CIA's - and it uncritically presents it for its entire 2 1/2 hour duration”; it portrays the CIA and US Army as “heroic, noble, self-sacrificing crusaders devoted to stopping The Terrorists”; and it depicts torture “exactly as its supporters like to see it: as an ugly though necessary tactic used by brave and patriotic CIA agents in stopping hateful, violent terrorists”. Greenwald notes that the film “immediately goes from its emotionally exploitative start - harrowing audio tapes of 9/11 victims crying for help - into CIA torture sessions of Muslim terrorists that take up a good portion of the film's first forty-five minutes”, and he further notes that Maya – depicted as a brave and heroic patriot, who we are meant to root for – directly participates in this torture:

“And worst of all, the film's pure, saintly heroine - a dogged CIA agent who sacrifices her entire life and career to find bin Laden - herself presides over multiple torture sessions, including a waterboarding scene and an interrogation session where she repeatedly encourages some US agent to slap the face of the detainee when he refuses to answer. "You do realize, this is not a normal prison: you determine how you are treated", our noble heroine tells an abused detainee”.

There is a scene in the film in which a male detainee whose hands are tied to the ceiling has his pants pulled down by one of Maya’s colleagues, Dan, in front of her. As he exposes the detainee’s genitals and buttocks, Dan says: “You don’t mind if my female colleague sees your junk?”. He then leaves the detainee alone with Maya, who continues to interrogate him as he is naked from the waist down. As Gabrielle Sims states, “In this scene it is Maya’s (passive) presence, rather than her initiation of an action that constitutes gender coercion. She chooses not to exercise her agency to walk away or to intervene to stop the torture”. This scene depicts the type of female-on-male sexual humiliation that I discussed earlier, except we as the audience are meant to side with the female abuser over the male victim. ‘Zero Dark Thirty’ was given numerous awards by the Alliance of Women Film Journalists, and Jessica Chastain won their Award For Humanitarian Activism (Female Icon Award), which is reserved for “portrayal of the most positive female role model, or for a role in which she takes personal and/or career risks to plumb the female psyche and therefore gives us courage to plumb our own, and/or for putting forth the image of a woman who is heroic, accomplished, persistent, demands her rights and/or the rights of others”.

Also ironic is that Chastain has become a celebrated feminist voice against sexual violence; her tweet criticising the HBO show ‘Game of Thrones’ for its portrayal of rape, stating: “Rape is not a tool to make a character stronger. A woman doesn't need to be victimised in order to become a butterfly”, received over 100,000 likes. The Guardian also reported that following the 2017 Cannes Film Festival, where Chastain passionately called out misogyny in the film industry, “she became a kind of spokesperson for women in film, a role that became more pronounced following the revelations of widespread sexual harassment and assault in Hollywood”. In a deeply revealing remark to The Guardian, Chastain stated:

“I really wish that focus would also be on men. I think there’s a lot of focus on women, and I’m so happy that Time magazine’s Person of the Year was the #MeToo movement. But when you’re talking about statistics, and they say, this percentage of women are sexually harassed or raped, they don’t actually put those percentages for men – this percentage of men sexually harass. I think we need to take that focus of victimisation off of the victims and actually look at the problem. Where does it stem from?”.

Chastain neatly delineates between women as victims of sexual violence, and men as perpetrators of sexual violence (“I really wish that focus would also be on men… I think we need to take that focus of victimisation off of the victims and actually look at the problem”). The underlying belief implicitly expressed here – that men cannot be victims of sexual violence (certainly not at the hands of women) – helps to explain the cognitive dissonance in Chastain standing up for female victims of sexual violence while proudly starring in a film that glorifies sexual violence against Muslim men; it would seem that she does not even regard what happened to the detainee in ‘Zero Dark Thirty’ as sexual violence. In terms of Chastain’s attitude towards Arab and Muslim men, whom her #girlboss protagonist callously victimises in ‘Zero Dark Thirty’, here is what she said about them after the film was released:

“We filmed [the torture scenes] in an active Jordanian prison, and kind of in the middle of nowhere [on the outskirts of Amman]. There’s a very strange relationship they have with women over there. One time, I went to lunch with three other guys, we sat down at a table at the restaurant of a really nice hotel in Jordan, and the waiter brought menus for the men, but not for me… So Jason Clarke ordered for me. Another time, we went to a mosque, and it was completely empty, and we were going to look at the building and stuff. It was Kathryn Bigelow, Megan Ellison, myself, and a lot of men, including the cinematographer [Greig Fraser], Mark, and Jason, and they pulled Kathryn, Megan, and myself aside and made us put black robes on. And there was a cameraman filming the whole thing, and every time he turned to me, I kept turning away, and I finally went up to him and said, “Don’t film me like this!” I was shocked, and it really made me feel invisible. I’ve seen pictures where you see a couple, and the man is wearing swim trunks, and the woman is wearing a full burka. I’ve seen that many times, and it’s like, “Are you kidding me?” I find the covering up to be a very strange thing. It’s like saying, “We’re all animals,” and I don’t agree. I think men are strong enough and capable enough to control themselves and not attack a woman if she’s not wearing a robe, you know?”.

Chastain’s characterisation of gender dynamics in Jordan is highly simplistic and generalised, and her vantage point of Western superiority is undisguised (“There’s a very strange relationship they have with women over there”). She is absolutely shocked that she was required to cover up while entering a mosque; it is unclear what is so scandalous about this, or why she felt too embarrassed to be filmed wearing robes. Women wear headscarves in many traditional Anabaptist churches in the West, and in Britain it is common for women to wear headcoverings while attending formal Christian services; thus, female modesty in religious buildings is hardly the preserve of the ‘primitive’ Arab world. Furthermore, popular Jordanian Netflix shows such as ‘Jinn’ and ‘AlRawabi School for Girls’ feature young Jordanian women in much more Westernised clothing and speaking their minds to men, so Chastain’s relation of her own narrow experiences is certainly not representative of the entire country. She also implies that the only reason a woman would want to cover up is if she is being controlled by men – “I find the covering up to be a very strange thing. It’s like saying, “We’re all animals,” and I don’t agree” – which patronises all the women (Muslim and non-Muslim, religious and secular) who choose to dress modestly for their own reasons.

Chastain portrays Arab and Muslim men as misogynistic, patriarchal, and backwards, after playing a character who tortures and sexually humiliates Arab and Muslim men; a character whom Chastain lauds as “capable and strong and independent”, adding: “I think she really represents this generation of women and I’m really honoured to be in a film that shows women like this”. This is a perfect distillation of the racialised misandry and feminist rhetoric that have been used to facilitate War on Terror abuses; the idea that Western women smash the patriarchy and demonstrate how empowered they are by brutalising brown men.

The Feminist Spectator, run by Jill Dolan (a prominent feminist professor and the Dean of the College at Princeton University), gave ‘Zero Dark Thirty’ a glowing review, praising it because it “honors the real female CIA operative on whom Maya’s character is based by giving her a steely resolve and an unshakable determination”, and describing Maya as “a 21st century feminist hero”. Apparently, 21st century feminist heroes participate in egregious human rights violations against Arab and Muslim men. The review also gushes over “Chastain’s stark, pale white beauty”, which causes her to stand out as “a Western white woman in the patriarchal Middle Eastern culture”. The brazen racism here is shocking; not to mention the misogyny against non-white women. And yet, this passes for ‘progressivism’.

The Victims’ Trauma

A former detainee at Bagram Air Base told the Human Rights Center and the International Human Rights Law Clinic at the University of California, Berkeley: “The greatest violence I suffered was nudity. After that, if they killed us, it wouldn’t have been any sorrow for me”. Another stated: “The worst experience for me was being forced to take off my clothes and then having my picture taken. You know, we are Afghans and Muslims… I would rather be killed than to be treated in that way”. Another former detainee described the experience of female American soldiers watching the detainees bathing as follows: “Some women soldiers were there… They were looking at us and laughing while we were naked. We were just like monkeys inside the bathrooms”. It is clear from these statements that the experience of being stripped naked, especially in front of women, felt like the ultimate form of humiliation and dehumanisation for these men. The following testimony from a former Guantanamo Bay detainee of his ordeal on the rendition flight to Guantanamo sheds further light on this:

“At one point I asked to go to the bathroom. I can remember a female escorting me. It was two soldiers – a male and a female. And the doors were open. They left the doors open and they took your trousers down for you. So this woman was taking my pants down for me. And I needed to take a pee basically. And I was standing there for maybe 10 minutes. And I couldn’t relieve myself at all, I just couldn’t. She was watching me from behind, and I knew that she was watching me. And for that reason, my body kind of just like, it was not, nothing was happening. And the thing was, I needed to go to the toilet for a long time. And now my bladder, my stomach, was really hurting. And, you know, I was in such pain that I couldn’t relieve myself… So I went and sat back down, and after a couple more hours I asked to go again. And this time it took me like about 10, 20 minutes again… But by the time I relieved myself, it was all over the place. It was all over me because I couldn’t see what I was doing… The plane was moving, so it went all over me. So I sat back down… It was really humiliating… Just imagine a woman being there, and she had to go to the toilet in front of all men”.

The last sentence – imploring the reader to imagine if a woman had to undergo the same experience – is important, as it speaks to the lack of empathy within Western societies for men who are subjected to this kind of humiliation. The kind of trauma that these victims must still be living with is rarely, if ever, discussed nowadays in the US and Britain, despite the fact that they have received no compensation, and are undoubtedly having to live with a great deal of psychological pressure, including that which comes from the stigma around male victims of this kind of abuse. It is well past time that the US and Britain seriously reckoned with the havoc that they wreaked on the lives of these men, and attempted to make amends for it, instead of either totally brushing it under the carpet (as in Britain), or outright glorifying it under some warped definition of ‘female empowerment’ (as in the US).

Irfan Chowdhury is a freelance writer who primarily focuses on Western imperialism in the Middle East. He has been published in The Iranian, Mondoweiss, Peace News, Hastings In Focus, The Palestine Chronicle, Roar News and Bella Caledonia, and is now at Substack. His Twitter handle is @irfan_c98.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Iraq Now.

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Today its the anniversary of the Martyrdom of Malcolm X. On this day we would also like to remember Iraqi activist, doctor and political scientist Mohammed Taki Mahdi. M.T Mahdi had arranged Malcolm's trip to Mecca and helped him understand Islam.

In 1958  they double performed at the Pakistan Republic day conference in Los Angeles. Taki Mahdi and Malcolm X both called for solidarity between Arabs and African Americans. Zionism and any other form of racism was staunchly rejected.

Mohammed Mehdi Taki stated then: ''If the Zionists, as they claim, have not forgotten Palestine over the last 2,000 years, it is reasonable to assume that the Arab refugees of Palestine, who were born in Palestine...will not forget their home."

Malcolm X complemented him saying:

It is asinine to expect fair treatment from the white press(..). Arabs must – if they are to escape Atomic death and destruction – make an effort to reach the millions of people of colour in America who are related to Arabs by blood.

By Amir Taha

A space program was understood as a sign of independence and scientific achievement by many countries in the global south going through the process of decolonization, including Iraq. The official website of the Iraqi space program (which was still up in 2019) mentions that a space program is necessary “to achieve the political, economic, cultural and scientific independence of Iraq and to avoid depending on the developed countries that dominate outer space along with their ownership of various space services’’. While this sentiment was originally formulated in a time where state-led development was the norm for most Third World countries, the times have changed. The welfare states of the 60s and 70s are globally speaking not in place anymore. Most Third World countries have fallen in a spiral of war and despair since the 1980s which has forced them to find  new ways to strive for  liberation. This article provides a brief overview of the history of the Iraqi space program. By looking back at the Iraqi space program and comparing it to its current state, we aim to demonstrate how even the -originally- liberationist rhetoric of anti-colonial movements have been co-opted by the global Neo-liberal world order.  As we shall see the belief for an Iraqi space program still lives on in Iraq albeit in figments of hope.

Originally Iraq started with research systems that could instrumentalize communication through satellites in the 1970s, the Iraqi space program itself started however in 1985. At first it was strongly tied to the weapons development department and the on-going war with Iran.  When the Iran-Iraq war was over in 1988, Saddam had a legitimacy crisis due to the extensive financial debts and the many other horrific consequences  of the war with Iran. To partly reaffirm the myth of an almighty Saddam as the safeguard of Iraq, a space exploration program was developed. By the end of the 1980s  projects started that were meant for the purpose of space exploration (Harding 2012, 141-143)

Countries- Year to achieve independent orbital space launch.

1. Soviet Union 1957

2. United States 1958

3. France* 1965

4. Japan 1970

5. China 1970

6. United Kingdom 1971

7. India 1980

8.Israel 1988

9. Iraq 1989

10.Ukraine 1992

11. Iran 2009

Source: Harding, Robert C. Space policy in developing countries: the search for security and development on the final frontier. Routledge, 2012, 143

A well-known project was the launch of the "Al-Ta'ir'' satellite which was mostly intended to improve telecommunication systems. In addition, Iraq experimented with “alternative” launching techniques such as the infamous "Project Babylon". Then, former ruler Saddam Hussein welcomed Canadian engineer Gerard Bull to develop a space gun. The space gun was a canon intended to shoot satellites and spacecraft into the air. The Iraqi space gun "Big Babylon'' would be 156 meters long and a launch would cause vibrations to the power of an atom bomb. However, in 1990, Gerard Bull was murdered in an apartment in Brussels by the Israeli secret service because Israel felt threatened by an Arab country that was developing such powerful technology. Clearly the space gun had potential capabilities that went beyond satellite launches.

There was also the famous Al-Abid rocket that was successfully launched in 1989 by the use of SCUD missiles. In its three-stage launch Al-Abid was able to launch a satellite that orbited around the earth 6 times until it burned up. This achievement made Iraq the 9th country in the world to achieve an independent orbital space launch. American and British reactions at the time were typical and instantly demanded that Iraq should put an end to its space program, The pretext they used was that  it had the potential to develop into a certain military capability. Looking back, the sort of accusations thrown at Iraq at the time ring eerily similar to the false claims that Iraq had “weapons of mass destruction’’ justification given by the US to invade Iraq. At the time this was seen in the context of a space cold war with “Israel”, who a year earlier was able to launch its own satellite as well. While plans for a space program preceded the Zionist satellite launch, parrying Israel was an important motivator.

Unfortunately, because of the first Gulf War, sanctions and the US occupation in 2003, all these projects were halted. The 2003 US occupation put a halt to  the Iraqi space program efforts. Initially however, shortly after the first phase of the US occupation was over (2003-2011), efforts to launch an Iraqi space satellite were renewed, but it was delayed once more due to the destabilization caused by ISIS  and a lack of budget.

Recently the idea of launching an Iraqi satellite has resurfaced. In early August 2022 the provisional minister of communications mentioned that Iraq is seeking out contracts with companies to launch its own satellite. Different companies from France, Egypt, Jordan have made bids to obtain Iraqi satellite projects. How  Iraq benefits from such a construction remains unclear , despite the fact that the provisional minister of communications claimed that there would be no strain on  the budget. Perhaps the intended purpose of these comments was promoting  Mustafa al Kadimi’s New Levant initiative. Coming at the expense of Iraq, this project  aimed to provide Jordan and Egypt lucrative projects under the guise of economic integration.  The attempted involvement of foreign corporations regarding a renewed Iraqi space program reveals the  co-optation into the Neo-liberal world order.

The fact that it was undermined by two American led wars and a mass assault by ISIS, as an extension of those wars and US allies involved in funding and enabling that group, shows the subversive and counter-hegemonic potential space exploration could have for decolonizing countries. Despite the dire situation,  it seems that the Iraqi space program has survived all these destructive episodes and the belief that it could contribute to becoming a decolonized and sovereign nation still persists.

Amir Taha is a historian at the University of Amsterdam researching the modern history of Iraq.

The conflict between NATO and Russia has created more space to maneuver geopolitically speaking for nations like Iraq. We hope this visit will reflect the new multi-polar reality of the world. It is time Iraq uses the opportunity to shift out of the US sphere of influence (occupation) and build equitable relations with non aligned nations.

Iraq has lots to gain from a relationship with Russia in terms of investments in the energy sector, security, air defense systems etc. Building strong relationships with countries such as Russia and China could start the de-dollarisation process of the Iraqi economy. Trading in Dinar-Ruble, Dinar-Yuan, Dinar-Rupee and other local currencies would be the ultimate solution to solve the current dollar crisis in Iraq.

Having all revenue from oil sales deposited at the Federal Reserve bank of New York amounts to a economic occupation. Iraq will not be an autonomous nation as long as it does not control it's money, airspace, borders etc.These are all issues a strong relationship with Russia could change.

Iraq’s fishing techniques and culinary traditions are directly traced back to ancient Sumer. How Iraqis hold their fish resembles practices of Sumerian fishermen depicted on Sumerian paintings.

The value of the fishermen’s profession in Iraq and that of fish in Iraqi cuisine was demonstrated during the reign of Hammurabi (ca. 1750 BC) when fishermen were given some rights similar to those given to ministers. Hammurabi’s law code also made sure that “if a fisherman is captured during a royal campaign, he should be relieved and returned to his city”. Reading this one could easily argue that Hammurabi’s preferred dish was masgouf.

Fishing has remained part of cooking in daily life in contrast to, for example, hunting. The types of fishing gear found on Assyrian reliefs as well as on Sumerian clay tablets and artifacts are still globally used. In particular the southern Iraqi marshes have been the homeland of fishermen for many centuries, as its rivers form an important source of livelihood and a vital source of food.

More recent policies such as Turkey’s ‘Southeastern Anatolia Project’ are to the detriment of the Iraqi fisherman. The Turkish project consists of 22 dams and 19 hydroelectric plants along the Euphrates River at the expense of Iraq, its biodiversity, water availability and the age-old profession of fishing. This has led to the drying of rivers and creates a worsening situation for fishermen as to why supporting such humble trades became extremely important.

Each year during this time (12th of Rabi' al Awwal or 17 Rabi' al Awwal) the world celebrates the birth (mawlid) of the Islamic prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah who was born in 570 AD in Mecca (Hijaz).

Muhammad early in his childhood became an orphan and faced harsh environments, yet compassion and love was abundantly present in his actions. With his moral excellence he managed to bring people together and provoke great social and political changes. His internal strength and patience continues to inspire his followers, and more generally all people of virtue, in the most difficult conditions.

The same way the sincere prophetic message unites people despite differences in language, culture and age, mawlid is celebrated from the south to north of Iraq. All over Iraq family and friends gather while preparing zardeh (saffron pudding), kleicha, and decorate the mosques and streets.

Written by Abdullah Musawi

Iraqi Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi has been in office for more than two years, a full year longer than his predecessor, Adil Abdul-Mahdi, who stepped down after civil unrest swept the country in October 2019.

Amid the on-going political deadlock and uncertainties surrounding his potential successor – and, indeed, the highly-contentious formation of a new government – it is worth reflecting on Kadhimi’s leadership and how he has impacted Iraqi politics. Importantly, what has Kadhimi achieved during his tenure, aside from managing to keep himself out of the fray?

Kadhimi’s proactive predecessor

Economist and former vice president Adil Abdul-Mahdi was appointed as prime minister of Iraq in October 2018, five months after the country’s parliamentary elections. At the time of his ascension, Iraq’s infrastructure and economy were in tatters from the war against ISIS that had officially ended a year earlier.

The liberation of Iraqi and Syrian territory from the self-proclaimed “Caliphate” had dealt a blow to US plans for the region. Washington has historically sought to keep borders shut between Iran and the Mediterranean, and ISIS’ defeat had not only cleared the Syrian-Iraqi border, but the two states had militarily cooperated to achieve this. By some, this was viewed as a catalyst for Baghdad to politically shift away from US influence.

This shift was particularly noticeable in a string of strategic decisions initiated by Abdul-Mahdi’s cabinet. In what the US clearly viewed as an act of defiance – but which many Iraqis simply saw as being in their sovereign, national interest – the Iraqi government opened its borders with Syria and declined to participate in sanctions against neighboring Iran.

When Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) bases were bombed in 2019, Abdul Mahdi did the unthinkable: he publicly revealed that the perpetrator was Israel. These kinds of details are usually kept under wraps in US-dominated Iraq, and the Americans were furious.

Moreover, the violation of Iraqi airspace renewed Baghdad’s quest to obtain advanced S-400 air defense systems from Russia. The Iraqi government’s desire to control its own airspace – an indispensable part of its national security – was instead met by a threat of sanctions from Washington.

Since the 2003 US invasion and occupation, the reconstruction of Iraq’s power grid has been outsourced to US companies who have systematically neglected the grid while making billions in profits. To break this American chokehold on Iraq’s national electricity network, Abdul-Mahdi personally signed a $14 billion strategic deal with German company Siemens to rebuild the country’s electricity grid.

This deal faltered under US pressure and never materialized. But it was the signing of a strategic deal with China that would prompt Washington to draw a red line which would ultimately lead to Abdul-Mahdi’s downfall.

The Iraq-China partnership included an oil-for-reconstruction deal that would circumvent an existing US construct in which all revenues from Iraqi oil sales are deposited in the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (FRBNY).

The deal with China would enable Baghdad to circumvent US financial controls and allow Iraq to make strategic decisions with less threat of US coercion. In 2020 for example, the administration of former president Donald Trump threatened to cut Iraq’s access to its Federal Reserve accounts if US troops were expelled from Iraq. The Iraqi parliament had recently passed a resolution demanding the withdrawal of US military forces in response to their illegal and extrajudicial assassinations of top Iranian general Qassem Soleimani and Iraqi deputy head of the PMF, Abu Mahdi Al-Muhandis.

If the strategic partnership with Beijing was implemented, Iraq would have become a key node within China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This would have radically altered Iraq’s economy from one that exports cheap unrefined oil and imports expensive commodities to a nation that refines its own natural resources and exports high value products.

Under Abdul-Mahdi’s lead, and despite the war-depleted coffers with which he began his tenure, Iraq was making moves to assert its sovereignty, regenerate key infrastructure and service sectors, protect its territorial integrity, strengthen diplomatic relations with immediate neighbors, and build the foundations of a new economy.

In contrast to today’s rising concerns over food security, during Abdul-Mahdi’s year in office, Iraq became self-sufficient in wheat and other strategic crops. Despite a much average oil price of $56.99 per barrel in 2019, poverty rates never reached the scale Iraq faces at this moment.

How did Mustafa Kadhimi become PM?

The protests in October 2019 that forced Abdul-Mahdi to step down were mainly led by working-class supporters of populist Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr, an enigma in Iraqi politics. Protesters then quickly began displaying posters of candidates to replace the PM, among these, a certain Mustafa al-Kadhimi.

Yet at the time, Kadhimi, who directed the Iraqi National Intelligence Service, was virtually unknown to the Iraqi public. After a chaotic five-month period with two failed attempts to pick a prime minister, Kadhimi – the Sadrist bloc’s first choice – was sworn into office in May 2020.

His ascension to the top seat was made possible by a carefully-constructed deal struck between Iraq’s various power brokers. For the Sadrists, he was the ideal candidate who could serve their interests under the guise of an ‘independent technocrat.’ This relationship became more explicit when Kadhimi called Sadr the “leader of the resistance” and defended Sadrist politicians against corruption allegations.

Kadhimi’s nomination was agreed upon by Iraq’s anti-US political factions based on several hard conditions: that, as prime minister, he would organize early elections, expel all foreign military forces from Iraq, and expose the factions that had killed protesters during the 2019 civil unrest.

Initially, the PMF factions consisting of Kataeb Hezbollah and other anti-US parties, vehemently opposed Kadhimi’s nomination, claiming he was a “US puppet.” It has been reported that these factions came to terms with his nomination after their allies in Iran advised them that no further delays in the government formation process were feasible.

Immediately after Kadhimi came into office, pro-western, Gulf-sponsored media such as Al-Hadath and Al-Hurra started polishing his image by presenting him as the savior of Iraq.

In one of his first public appearances, Khadimi called his brother to inform him that he would not tolerate the use of their relationship for personal benefit. To his detractors, it was pure theater: to cast himself on a national scale as an anti-nepotism and anti-corruption figure. They pointed out that Kadhimi, a Shia, was equating his actions to that of Ali Ibn Abi Talib – one of Shiism’s, and Iraq’s, most revered religious personalities – declining his brother’s (Aqeel Ibn Abi Talib) request for money. This was one of the many photo ops that would mark Khadimi’s time in office.

What if anything, has Kadhimi achieved?

All strategic decisions made by Abdul-Mahdi that could have positively altered the course of Iraq’s economy and international relations, were overturned by Kadhimi. Any serious efforts by the previous government made in quest of real autonomy were abandoned.

Under the new prime minister, the China deal was set aside and Kadhimi instead proposed to enter a ‘strategic partnership’ with Jordan and Egypt that would essentially amount to handing over Iraq’s oil wealth in exchange for basic commodities, while indirectly normalizing with Israel.

Over the same period, he signed an $8 billion deal in the White House with General Electric, the very same US corporation that had reaped billions of dollars in profits since 2003 by sabotaging the reconstruction of Iraq’s electrical grid.

Under Khadimi’s watch, the construction of the Grand Faw Port was outsourced to a defunct South Korean corporation, while ignoring a lucrative Chinese proposal. This move, for all practical purposes, killed a strategic project that should have been a game changer for the Iraqi economy.

As of today, hardly any progress has been made in the construction of the port that was to become one of the top ten global ports. This is a realm that the Chinese have mastered as part of their ambitious BRI project to connect shipping and transportation routes throughout Asia. But Kadhimi gave it to the Koreans.

During Kadhimi’s tenure, for extended periods, Iraq’s government has neglected to pay salaries to millions of civil servants. This was unprecedented in the country’s post-2003 history, despite the various calamitous crises Iraq has faced in the past 19 years.

In yet another violation of the agreement that brought him into office, Kadhimi did not expel US troops from Iraq, but rather, provided them with an opportunity to re-brand their “boots on the ground.” While a few US soldiers departed, around 4,000 military personnel remain in Iraq in “advisory roles” – that number provided courtesy of the prime minister’s office.

But the move that perhaps struck hardest at Iraqi people’s daily lives was Kadhimi’s support for devaluating the Iraqi dinar. In December 2020, the Iraqi government, following World Bank instructions, devalued the dinar by 23 percent against the US dollar.

For a country that relies heavily on imports, this meant a steep hike in consumer prices. Overnight, millions of Iraqis were plunged into poverty. As of today, the rate of the dinar has not been restored, despite the fact that oil prices have skyrocketed to over $100 per barrel.

It is clear that rather than serving Iraqi interests, Kadhimi is following the US playbook. From his relations with regional states, to his choice of strategic economic partners, to his servitude to western-led austerity proposals, the prime minister has yet to take a step that benefits a sovereign Iraq.

A US asset in Iraq

How is it that a little-known Iraqi journalist suddenly found himself helming Iraq’s intelligence service in 2016, then assumed the country’s most powerful political position a mere three years later? Who exactly is Mustafa Al-Kadhimi?

Prior to his appointment as prime minister – and shortly before that, his intelligence post – Kadhimi was only known to Iraqis as a mid-level journalist.

From 1999 to 2003, he worked as director of programming for Radio Free Europe’s Iraq service, and held this position throughout the entire buildup to the illegal US-led invasion of Iraq. Radio Free Europe was founded in 1949 as a CIA front organization to disseminate US propaganda during the Cold War.

After the invasion, Kadhimi directed the Iraq Memory Foundation (IMF), an organization set up by Kanaan Makiya, an Iraqi “dissident” who collaborated with and enjoyed a direct relationship with the White House and Pentagon.

The IMF collected Iraqi government archives and relocated them to the US before and during the occupation – essentially, natives performing the duties of US intelligence.

The IMF was originally founded during the 1990s as the ‘Iraq Research and Documentation Project’ with a 1993 grant from the Bradley Foundation, a far-right organization that funds projects that promote US exceptionalism, free markets and other US interests. In the years after the invasion of Iraq, former President George W Bush called the group his “favorite foundation.”

In 1994, the IMF received a bridging grant from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), a US organization founded in the 1980s by then-president Ronald Reagan, known for furthering US strategic interests by destabilizing countries and organizing coups under the guise of promoting democracy.

In the intervening decades, NED has funded and directed the activities of civil society groups and media outlets in countless countries around the world, seeding US narratives and priorities at the local level, everywhere.

In 1991, NED co-founder Allen Weinstein said: “A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.” Between 2004 and 2006 the IMF, while directed by Kadhmi, was awarded $5.1 million in Pentagon contracts and $1 million from seized Iraqi state funds.

In addition to joining the IMF, Kadhimi also took part in founding the Iraqi Media Network (IMN) in the first year of the US occupation of Iraq. The IMN was founded by the Coalition Provisional government’s military occupation, led by USB official Paul Bremer, often referred to as the architect of Iraq’s post-invasion, fractious political structures.

With an initial budget of $100 million, the founding of the IMN was based on a white paper created by the US Department of Defense’s (DOD) Office of the Assistant Secretary for Special Operations and Low-Intensity Conflict, and the Office of the Assistant Secretary for Near East and South Asian Affairs.

Rather than being run by professionals with experience in running media outlets, IMN was overseen by a department of the US DOD that specializes in spy-ops. The IMN top brass were to coordinate with US  Central Command (CENTCOM) to identify what infrastructure was to be preserved and what infrastructure was to be bombed.

Kadhimi’s career also entails doing work for the Humanitarian Dialogue Foundation (HDF), an organization founded in 2008, based in the UK, and run by Hussain al-Sadr – a relative of Iraqi powerbroker Muqtada al-Sadr.

The HDF was yet another organization that promoted “peace” between the different ethnic groups in Iraq while being based in a country that was actively occupying Iraq. Furthermore, Kadhimi worked for a weekly magazine that at the time was run by current caretaker President of Iraq Barham Saleh. These early relationships would play a vital role later on in his career.

A checkered past and an uncertain future

Up until this moment in his life, there have been no mention of any academic credentials. It is reported that later in 2012, Kadhimi obtained a bachelor’s degree in law at a private university in Baghdad. It is noteworthy that he was 45 years of age when he obtained the degree.

Shortly thereafter, Kadhimi began to write for Washington DC-based Al-Monitor, an English-language media outlet that reports on the region, where he worked as both columnist and Iraq editor between 2013 and 2016.

This is his last known position before being named director of the Iraqi National Intelligence Service in 2016. Some Iraqis allege that he received this sensitive posting because of US pressure on Iraq’s then-prime minister, Haider Al-Abadi.

Reflecting on this checkered past, it is clear that Kahdimi – from early on in his career – was groomed into becoming a US asset. He was neither an important Iraqi political personality who rose in the opposition ranks against the former regime of Saddam Hussein, nor did he have a remarkable academic career that could have transformed him into a skilled and able technocrat.

Instead, Kadhimi looks to have ascended to his prime ministership by virtue of being a presentable ‘benign figure’ – unlikely to be rejected by either side of the Iraqi political spectrum – who could quietly serve US interests. Since Washington’s influence in Iraq has diminished from its earlier heights, Kadhimi’s task mainly consists of maintaining the status-quo and preventing political developments that lead to an more autonomous Iraq, which in turn could benefit Iran and other US regional adversaries.

Since Abdul-Mahdi stepped down, Iraq has effectively been economically and politically paralyzed. Almost two and a half years of Mustafa al-Kadhimi in office has produced only more poverty and increased external meddling in Iraq.

Despite his clear desire to renew his tenure within a future government formation, it remains unclear what Khadimi’s political future will look like. This will be decided by the outcome of the current political crisis. Muqtada al-Sadr, the US, and neighboring Persian Gulf are trying to keep him in office. Iran remains neutral, but its Iraqi allies want Kadhimi out.

Bogged down in a proxy war with Russia in the Ukraine, and facing a western economic downturn, the US cannot afford a new escalation in West Asia. Any Iraqi conflict, after all, would further drive up oil prices and speed up the global economic meltdown.

Washington, therefore, opts to preserve the status quo; a paralyzed Iraq with an unimpeded oil flow. That way, Iraq, with its enormous military and economic potential, stays out of the regional balance of power struggle that could threaten US-Israeli interests. For this role, Mustafa Kadhimi, the Iraqi prime minister who did nothing, is ideal.

This article was published on The Cradle.

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You could make a strong argument that the People’s Mobilization Units (PMU or Hashd al Sha’bi) are the most efficient force when it comes to protecting the sovereignty of Iraq. The PMU have proven that they accept nothing but a free Iraq that rules itself. This is something which is viewed by the US and their allies as a threat which is why they are seeking to dissolve it. The majority of Iraq that does seek a sovereign Iraq continues to stand with the Hashd and is not blinded by sectarian accusations. For all self-respected Iraqis, the Hashd are heroes who continue to stand up to the divisive forces that wish ill to Iraq.

In June 2014 the “self-proclaimed” Islamic State, heavily supplied with US and Gulf weapons, expanded from Syria to Iraq and took over Mosul province. ISIS looted Mosul’s bank, dismantled schools and government institutions and subjected civilians to abuse and massacres. During this time the US-led coalition expanded their campaign of airstrikes in a continuation of their “War on Terror” only to cause more civilian causalities, injuries and displacements. Given this extreme threatening situation and the defeat of the Iraqi Army in Mosul, Ayatollah al-Sistani demanded a religious call (fatwa) to arms to protect the homeland. The fatwa called on Iraqis “to defend the country, its people, the honor of its citizens, and its sacred places”. Counters were set up throughout the country for people to apply. Where the Iraqi army experienced difficulties to recruit members, thousands of courageous men stood in line to answer the religious call to freedom. More than 75 % of Iraqis aged 18 to 30 years, mainly from the Southern provinces, rushed to reclaim their freedom and the honor of their country. This finally resulted in the formation of the Hashd al-Sha’bi or PMU, an umbrella group managing units of armed groups with varying political and ideological leanings who are united under the same vision. Shia, Sunni, (Fayli) Kurd, Shabak, Turkmen and Christian Iraqis all are part of the PMU units. Following the defeat of the Iraqi Army in Mosul, the Hashd filled the gap to help secure Baghdad and the rest of Iraq. A spirit of hope was reinstalled by the Hashd that Iraq can be liberated from the shackles of imperialism. The Hashd operated effectively on the battlefield while refusing to cooperate with coalition forces. It cannot be denied that it achieved great successes against the “Islamic State” and their allies. By December 2017 the Hashd in coordination with the PKK and the Iraqi army recaptured the occupied region and cleared Iraq from the last remnants of IS. Today many streets throughout Iraq are filled with pictures of the respected Hashd martyres that gave their life to defend their homeland.  Out of respect the group is also called ‘al-Hashd al-Muqadas’ meaning the sacred forces.

The rise of the Hashd served as a psychological boost for all Iraqis who felt besieged and defenseless. The PMU has been an indispensable part of not only Iraq’s security infrastructure but also its socio-economic structure. During the annual Arba’een pilgrimage that welcomes up to 25 million pilgrims the PMU ensures their security and deploys field-hospitals in Karbala. The PMU, in coordination with health authorities, played a major role in tackling the Covid crisis. This included the creation of isolation facilities, managing burials of the deceased, deploying field hospitals, distributing food baskets and enforcing curfews in many parts of Iraq. The PMU also participated in reconstruction work: repairing roads and water pipes and tackling floods in coordination with local communities and municipal bodies. Iraq is today facing a multitude of problems including surging poverty and security threats. This leads to expanding areas of limited state interference and this is where the PMU plays a complementary role. After followers of the Sadrist movement attacked Iraqi security forces and the headquarters of Hashd units Muqtada al-Sadr thanked the PMU for not taking part in the violence and preventing a sectarian war. The PMU is in reality a game-changing factor for Iraq that refuses to enter into conflicts that sow chaos to the detriment of the Iraqi people because of their clear vision and strategy.

In 2016, the Iraqi Parliament adopted the Hashd law which reinforces their legitimacy as an approved state-actor. This amounted to converting what started as a passionate grass-roots movement to save Iraq into a structured organization. A couple of months after passing the law the US Secretary of State Rex Tillerson urged “the Iranian-backed militias to go home” and the American newshour called the PMU “America’s newest problem in Iraq”. The US and Western media outlets label the PMU as “Iranian backed militias” in an attempt to distract the Iraqi population, instill hatred and manipulate the public debate. However the Iraqi fighters receive their paychecks and pensions from Baghdad, they answer to the Iraqi commander in Chief and are capable of manufacturing their own weapons and drones. The PMU consisting largely of Shias is no strange proportion as Iraq itself is also largely Shia. At the same time the PMU does have more Sunni and Christian members than the regular Iraqi army. When al-Zurfi who is friendly to US interests was running for Prime Minister in 2020, he called the PMU “legal forces”, it was said that this was done to appease people who oppose US presence in Iraq. This way the status of the PMU is being weaponized on a structural basis. Why should it be a complexity to believe that an indigenous Iraqi group triumphed against foreign-steered terrorists?

From time to time the US targets Iraqi fighters of the Popular Mobilization Units (PMU), and even killed their Commander in an airstrike in 2020. They do this with the knowledge that the PMU is working to prevent the infiltration of IS terrorists: the US’ apparent excuse for their military presence in the first place. Airstrikes on the PMU are conducted without the agreement of the Iraqi government. The same goes for “israeli” airplanes who are only allowed to target positions held by Iraqi military forces or the PMU with approval of America. Under the Iraqi constitution, mandated by a majority of votes in parliament, there is no legal right for the presence of the US military in the country. The US illegally continues to hold 12 military bases in Iraq and is not showing any willingness to leave. Instead, Washington rules over the Iraqi airspace as they wish, violating Iraq’s national sovereignty and international legislation.  Today the US is the major destabilizing factor in Iraq and actively opposes a sovereign Iraq in order to entrench and prolong its presence in the country. This is not only done by military intervention but also by stoking disagreement among Iraqis and waging (media) campaigns of hatred against the PMU because they are the ones that are hindering the presence of the US and their regional allies. The PMU has been one of the most important factors in the protection of Iraq against terrorism and they became an integral part of Iraq.